Thursday, 15 February 2018

AJJS Review of Aafreedi, Navras Jaat, JEWS, JUDAIZING MOVEMENTS AND THE TRADITIONS OF ISRAELITE DESCENT IN SOUTH ASIA (2016)



Navras Jaat Aafreedi. 2016. Jews, Judaizing Movements and Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia. New Delhi: Pragati Publications, Pp xxiv, 124. ISBN  978-81-7307-158-6 (Hardback). US $26.95

This book is based upon the doctoral dissertation of Navras Jaat Aafreedi, a historian who has distinguished himself by seeking to make Indians and Pakistanis, especially those of Muslim heritage, more aware of, and sympathetic to, the history of Jews in India, the Holocaust, Jewish practices and perspectives. In a country where “Hitler” is today often given as a name to children, and where the dictator is admired as someone who could instil order and discipline, Aafreedi’s efforts to bring to Indians an understanding of the Nazis’ attempt to implement a “final solution” to the so-called “Jewish problem” are imporant. Ironically, these attitudes subsist in a population generally not ill-disposed to Jews, but are rather for the most part unfamiliar with Jews and their sensitivities. In this context, Aafreedi’s sympathy for Jewish concerns is greatly appreciated.

India’s vast population has included no less than three minuscule Jewish communities, and in recent years it has also seen the rise of new Judaising movements, groups who have come to adopt some form of Judaism, either out of a belief that they have Jewish or Israelite origins, or a conviction that Judaism is the “true” religion. In addition, as Aafreedi shows, there are also a number of communities in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan who have traditions of Israelite descent, among them his own Afridi Pathan patrilineal clan. Whereas there have been many studies concerning the Jewish communities in India, and in recent years the Judaisers, there have, to the best of my knowledge, not been any other works that have included communities with traditions of Israelite descent alongside the other two categories. Here, Aafreedi has essentially broken new ground, drawing attention to these groups, for people with an interest in the Jews of India. 

Aafreedi devotes a chapter to each of these categories. Chapter 1 covers the three historical Jewish communities in India: the Bene Israel from coastal Maharashtran villages south of Bombay (Mumbai), the Jews of Cochin (Kochi) in Kerala, and the Baghdadi Jews who were settled predominantly in Bombay and Calcutta (Kolkata).

The origins of the Bene Israel and Cochinis are shrouded in mystery, both communities having been settled in India for hundreds, if not thousands, of years. The Bene Israel were historically scattered in villages of the Konkan coastal region, where they had a caste-like occupation as producers of sesame oil, the main cooking medium in western India. The fact that they did not work on Saturdays earned them the name “Shanwar Telis”, Saturday Oilmen (p. 5). Although they had very little Jewish knowledge, they knew enough to maintain kosher dietary restrictions, and they practised group endogamy, in keeping with Jewish traditions and the Indian caste system. 

From the eighteenth century, Bene Israel began to settle in Bombay, where they were eager to learn more about Judaism through contact with Baghdadi and Cochini Jews, and ironically through western Christian missionaries, who translated the Bible into the Bene Israel’s Marathi language and taught Hebrew. The Bene Israel were grateful for what the missionaries had taught them, but very few of them adopted Christianity.

Aafreedi devotes almost four pages (pp. 2-5) to the issue of recent genetic testing of Bene-Israel, whose Jewish ancestry had long been called into question, but their claims now seem to have been vindicated, through studies (quoting Waldman) “which demonstrate that the community is genetically more similar to other Jewish communities than are all the Indian and Pakistani communities”. Many Bene Israel apparently display the “Cohen modal haplotype”, common among Jewish Cohanim. Aafreedi quotes the researcher Tudor Parfitt, that this “leaves just a billion to one chance of a mistake in identifying who the Bene Israel really are” (p.4).

Whereas the Bene Israel had only vestigial knowledge of Judaism until modern times, the Jews of Cochin were always able to maintain connections with the rest of the Jewish world and maintained orthodox practices. They have had a distinguished past, with one King Parkaran Iravi Vanmar having bestowed upon a certain Joseph Rabban the village (or city) of Anjuvanam (also known as Cranganore) in perpetuity, along with various hereditary privileges, enumerated on copper plates, inscribed in three languages (see page 8 for an English translation). During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Portuguese harassed the Jews, on account of their religion, and as rivals in the pepper trade. In 1564, the Portuguese attacked Cranganore, which by then had been in a deteriorated state. The Jews who fled were welcomed and given shelter by the Raja of Cochin, who allocated to them land adjacent to his palace to build the Pardesi Synagogue (p.11), which celebrated its 400 hundredth anniversary in 1968 (p.41).

The “Baghdadi” Jews, hailing from Iraq and other countries of the Middle East, began to establish themselves in India late in the eighteenth century. A mercantile community, they prospered under British rule, and many sought to emulate the British. Over time, the language of the community shifted from Arabic to English, as Baghdadis sent their children to English language schools. Aafreedi observes “Hardly any attempt was made to master any Indian language, though most Baghdadis became acquainted with Hindustani of a simple sort” (p.14). Seeking acceptance from the British rulers, they sought to distance themselves from “native” Indian Jews, especially the Bene Israel.

Aafreedi’s next chapter looks at the Judaising movements of the “B’nei Menashe”, a group from North East India who have adopted Judaism out of a belief that they were descendants of the biblical tribe of Manasseh, the “Bene Ephraim” from Andhra Pradesh who assert descent from the tribe of Ephraim, and members of “the Chettiar community of Erode in Tamil Nadu” (p.21). 

The B’nei Menashe have been practising Judaism since the 1970s and many have come to be accepted as orthodox Jews after undergoing conversion in Israel, thanks to the support initially of Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail and his Amishav organisation, and later by Michael Freund and the organisation called Shavei Israel. Several thousand have settled in Israel since 1989 (p.17). In 2005, attempts to formally convert B’nei Menashe to Judaism in India created a diplomatic incident between India and Israel (p.17).

The Bene Ephraim are a more recently emerged group of 125 families, who come from a Harijan/Dalit caste background (p.21). Subjected to harsh discrimination from caste Hindus, the assertion of an Israelite past is hopefully a means to a more respectable status. This group takes its lead from the college-educated members of the Yacobi family. However, because of the poverty and lack of education of their followers, most have very limited Jewish knowledge.

The Chettiars only embraced Judaism in 2011, “when 1500 congregants of the Zion Gospel Church abandoned Christianity for Judaism under the leadership of their pastor Samuel Devasahayam and renamed the church Zion Torah Centre” (pp.21-22), and they have a dream of settling in Israel to help “make the desert bloom”. An urban community without experience in agriculture, they have purchased farmland growing coconut trees, to practise farming and so to prepare them for their prophetic dream (p.22).

These 3 Judaising groups, as diverse as they are, had all been practising Christians before adopting Judaism. By contrast, the communities with a long tradition of Israelite origins are predominantly Muslim and do not show signs of wishing to revert to their putative ancestral religion. Indeed, we learn that “they are so strongly anti-Zionist and anti-Israel and also greatly prejudiced against Jews” that they are not interested in migrating to Israel (p. 25). Apart from the tradition of Israelite origin of the Pathans and similar claims about Kashmiris (pp. 29-31), there are assertions that the kings of Afghanistan were descendants of King Saul in the Bible (pp. 25-26). Several Muslim groups who are known as “Bani Israil” – children of Israel, are said to descend from a Jewish-born companion of the Prophet Muhammad, while the Qidwais, believe their progenitor, a Sufi mystic of the twelfth century called Qazi Qidwa had been a Jew (p.24).

One group with a postulated Jewish ancestry who are not Muslims are the Kananya or Thomasite Christians, an ancient, Syrian-Orthodox community in Kerala, close to the Jews of Cochin, apparently around 200,000 in number. They are reputedly endogamous, use Aramaic in their liturgy, and have customs and songs which resemble those of the Jews in the area (pp.36-38).

From Chapter 4 onwards, the book looks only at the Jews of India, with no further exploration of the Judaisers or communities with claims of Israelite descent. Aafreedi focuses on the history of synagogues in India, Jews in Indian cinema and literature, Jewish-Muslim relations, and Indian Jewry in Israel. These are essentially distinct essays, interesting in themselves, but not woven together to create a consistent narrative.

Aafreedi is clearly passionate about the cinema and provides a fascinating expose of the role that Jews, particularly Baghdadi women, played in the early years of Indian film, and in beauty pageants. In part this may have been due to their generally lighter complexion than true Indian women, but after the end of the silent movie era, those who could not deliver lines in an Indian language lost their appeal.

Aafreedi sees the Baghdadi women as “the first to be bold enough to act in films, braving all the risks involved to their reputation and otherwise when even the prostitutes shied away from acting in films (pp.53-54).” “Highly Westernised in their lifestyle and outlook”

… they did not have the reservations that women from other communities in India, including the other Jewish communities, the Bene Israel and the Cochini (resident in India for a much longer time than the Baghdadis), had when it came to indulgence in performing arts. By doing so they paved the way for women from respectable families from other communities to follow suit (p.54).

As impressive and heroic as this may seem to be, it is noteworthy that in effect these heroines of the silver screen had thereby cut themselves off from their native communities, breaking the Jewish taboo of marrying out of the faith, most of them taking Muslim husbands. As liberated as these women may have been, it would seem that either their Baghdadi communities were not in tune with them, or that having shed the inhibition of putting oneself in the public view, other restrictions no longer mattered to them. 

            I enjoyed the chapter on Jews in Indian literature, with the culturally informed analysis that Aafreedi is able to offer. Nissim Ezekiel’s poetry is powerful and reveals the Jewish cultural heritage that he carries as a Bene Israel. Short story writer Sophie Judah’s reflections on the way that reading the Diary of Anne Frank when she was 10 or 11 sparked a keen interest in searching for books on Judaism struck a chord with me, coming as I do from a Jewish community not in the mainstream in Western society. As she recalled:

All the books I found were written about the Jews of Eastern Europe or America. There was nothing about us.
On the library shelf, there were some books about the Bene Israel, but it was all anthropology. They’re looking at you through a microscope: “Are you Jewish, aren’t you Jewish: this tradition, that tradition.” And then the history. But there was no humanity, the human touch was missing (p.73).

I was delighted to see a reference to “a short-story writer named Moses Aaron who is based in Australia” as apart from Jael Stillman, the only writer to have emerged from the Baghdadi Jewish community of Calcutta (p.74), but disappointed that Aafreedi did not specifically mention or analyse any of his works. I was also irritated, I must admit, with the attention that Ruth Prawar Jhabwala received in two chapters of the book, with much the same information appearing in the chapter on cinema and the chapter on literature. As impressive as she is in both media, and taking account that she did not have an Indian heritage, it would have been preferable if her work could have been discussed in the one place.

            I found the chapter on relations between Jews and Muslims in South Asia uncomfortable reading, as more than half the chapter concerns Jews who converted to Islam, notably the seventeenth century Sufi poet Sarmad, along with several Mediaeval figures, and Leopold Weiss who took on the name Muhammad Asad after his conversion to Islam - a brilliant scholar and Pakistani diplomat. I do not see this as relations between Jews and Muslims, except to the extent that we might learn how these men, as Muslims, view their former coreligionists. While there have been instances of mutual respect and cordial relations, and it is heartening to learn of Khurshid Imam who teaches Hebrew at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, and a Muslim, Thoufeek Zakriya who practises Hebrew calligraphy, Aafreedi also highlights increasing hostility to Jews, based on opposition to the existence of the State of Israel, and ostensibly religious grounds.

            Most of the Jews of India have left the country, even though they retain a deep love for it, and many travel back to visit. The final chapter treats the situation of Indian Jews in Israel, where most of the Cochini Jews and the Bene Israel have now settled. The chapter is well written and deals sympathetically with its subject, particularly with an extensive examination of the fight that the Bene Israel endured to be recognised as equal to all other Jews in the Jewish homeland. 

The Cochinis are presented as having had a more pleasant adjustment to life in Israel, “having integrated completely in an alien environment” (p.98). Although they had been an urban community, in Israel they were placed on agricultural settlements, where, Aafreedi quotes Shalva Weil, “they became rich” (p.89). This contrasts starkly with the assessment of Ginoo Zacharia Oommen, an anti-colonial Christian from Kerala, in the book Ethnicity, Marginality & Identity: the Jews of Cochin in Israel (New Delhi: Manak Publications, 2011). Oommen sees the Cochinis as a marginalised, isolated group, subject to racial prejudice in Israel. It would be interesting to see which of these perspectives is a more accurate representation of the reality.

While today there are an estimated 5,000 Jews in India, around 80,000 Indian Jews live in Israel (pp. xiv, 85). Over time, as the migrant generation passes, it will be interesting to see the extent to which their descendants maintain their Indian languages and distinctive traditions, as also the extent that new Jews – the Judaising communities - will bring a new lease of life for Judaism in India.


Myer Samra


Australian Journal of Jewish Studies, Volume XXIX, 2015 - 2016, pp. 187-193. 



Friday, 18 November 2016

Jews, Judaizing Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia


The first book ever to combine the socio-historical-cultural study of the three Jewish communities of India, viz., the Bene Israel, the Cochini and the Baghdadi, the three Judaizing movements that emerged in India during the last seventy years, viz., the B'nei Menashe of Manipur and Mizoram, the B'nei Ephraim of Andhra Pradesh and the Chettiars of Tamil Nadu, and the traditions of Israelite descent among certain sections of Muslims and Christians in South Asia and the Jewish response to those traditions.

"One of the most widely discussed works on the lost tribes of humanity in recent times."

- Vidya Pandit, Education World

"Historians...believe that Navras' research may turn out to be a milestone in the genealogical-historical research that takes place in an obscure corner of Lucknow, rediscovering a link lost in the passage of time."

- Farzand Ahmad, India Today

"A comprehensive and perhaps a landmark study of the Jews in India."
- Prof S N Sinha, Emeritus Professor, Allahabad University and Former Head, Department of History, Jamia Millia Islamia

"...a significant work of reference, and throughout is most interesting and written in elegant and lucid style. It is a welcome contribution to the field of Indo-Judaic Studies, and fills a lacuna in our sketchy, often shadowy knowledge of the Indian Jews and the claimants of Israelite descent in India."

- Professor K P Mishra, Former Pro-Vice Chancellor, University of Gorakhpur
"An admirably lucid and elegant account of the history of Indian Jews and those groups who profess to have descended from the 'Lost Tribes of Israel'."

- Professor V D Pandey, Former Head, Department of Medieval & Modern Indian History, University of Lucknow


“…A successful attempt at discussing the history of Jews in India, and in initiating a dialogue for introducing Indo-Judaic studies in Southasia. A pioneering work, introducing Indian Jewry to the world of academics, Aafreedi lays the first stone for further research in the field of Jewish History in Southasia.”
 
-          - Ambreen Agha, Himal Southasian
"...research...has drawn wide appreciation..."

- Puja Awasthi, The Sunday Indian

Author: Since the publication of the book, its author Dr Navras Jaat Aafreedi has joined Presidency University in Kolkata as Assistant Professor in History. Before that he taught at Gautam Buddha University for six years and four months as Assistant Professor in its Department of History & Civilization.
 
Order your copy today:

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Know thy Jews: STATESMAN's review of Navras Jaat Aafreedi's JEWS, JUDAIZING MOVEMENTS AND THE TRADITIONS OF ISRAELITE DESCENT IN SOUTH ASIA (2016)


From the Margins: A Review of Navras Jaat Aafreedi's JEWS, JUDAIZING MOVEMENTS AND THE TRADITIONS OF ISRAELITE DESCENT IN SOUTH ASIA (2016)

By Ambreen Agha

16 September 2016, Himal Southasian

Navras Jaat Aafreedi’s book puts focus on Southasian Jews.
 
Beni-Israel family from Bombay State. (Photo: Wikimedia/Jewish Encyclopedia)
Beni-Israel family from Bombay State. (Photo: Wikimedia/Jewish Encyclopedia)

Navras Jaat Aafreedi’s book Jews, Judaising Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia is a study of this influential religious minority. It delves into the history of Judaising movements, and engages with the lesser-known Israelite traditions within various communities in Southasia. Published by Pragati Publications in 2016, the book’s author, a scholar of Indo-Judaic Studies, hopes to stimulate interest of Indian academics in Indo-Judaic Studies.

The book traces the presence of Jews in Southasia, which, according to “their records” goes back “for more than two millennia”, even though other historical records suggest their presence in the Subcontinent goes back around 11 centuries. For most of their history, Southasia’s Jews have been living in present-day India, though they did establish small communities in what is now Pakistan and Bangladesh. Despite the shorter periods spent by Jewish communities in these regions, there have always been  groups living here who consider themselves of Israelite descent. These groups including the Pakhtuns of Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kashmiris, Qidwais and Bani Israil clans of India trace their origin to Judaism given the similarities of traditions with the Israelite Jews. Some of these similarities have been written about including by Yitzak Ben-Zvi, a historian and the second President of Israel, who in his book The Exiled and the Redeemed recorded testimonies provided by Afghan-Jewish immigrants to Israel about Pathan practices that are Jewish in nature: the lighting of candles on the Sabbath, keeping of long sidelocks, wearing of shawls resembling tallith, the Jewish prayer shawl, circumcision on the eighth day after birth, and the Levirate – in which a man marries his brother’s widow.

Aafreedi’s book discusses five other groups in Southasia that have traditions of Israelite descent. Unlike the B’nei Menashe, these groups have not experienced the Judaising movements, and all of these groups are Muslim, except the Kenanya who are Syrian Orthodox Christian.  Aafreedi writes:

Among the Muslim groups, the Qidwai/Kidwai and the Bani Israel, trace their descent from Jews and not necessarily the lost tribes, unlike the Pashtuns and Kashmiris, who claim descent from the lost tribes of Israel. Pashtuns and Kashmiris believe that the biblical stories, particularly those of them which are also found in the Qur’an, are actually historical events and the characters in these stories really did exist. In terms of evidence, all that these groups (and all those who support the theories of their Israelite origins) have been able to present, are alleged similarities of their customs and rituals with the Jewish ones and the mention of their putative Israelite origins several medieval texts.

But most scholars are unconvinced, says Aafreedi. They either doubt the existence of the lost tribes or believe that even if they exist, they got assimilated in the Assyrian population in the seventh century BCE. While there remains a debate on the existence of the lost tribes, interestingly, the Qidwais trace their lineage from either of the two sons of the biblical character Jacob (Yahuda) or Lava. The progenitor of the Qidwais, the Sufi saint Qazi Qidwatuddin, who settled in India in 1191 CE is considered to be an Israelite by descent.

Establishing the claim of Israelite descent of Pathans, Navras quotes from Ben-Zvi’s The Exiled and the Redeemed (1957). Questioning the rationale behind this belief among the Pathans, Olaf Caroe, an administrator in British India and Governor of the then North-West Frontier Province (now a part of Pakistan), states that the “tradition of descent from the lost tribes of Israel among the Pathans emanates from their desire to distance themselves from their pre-Islamic polytheistic past, as it helps them trace their genealogy from the supposed patriarchs and founders of monotheism, accepted by Jews, Christians and Muslims alike.” Adding to this, Aafreedi believes that it is difficult to say anything conclusive in regards to the traditions of Israelite origin of the four Muslim groups under study, arguing in a general strain, “Why would these groups, which are so strongly anti-Zionist and anti-Israel and also greatly prejudiced against Jews and hence unwilling to immigrate to Israel unlike the B’nei Menashe and B’nei Ephraim, choose to claim origins from the land of Israel, which is the sanctum sanctorum of Judaism, the core of Zionism, and the geographical location of the modern state of Israel, without any basis?”

But in asking this question in these terms, Aafreedi’s work suffers from making serious generalisations. The author did not specify the sectarian nuances of these groups, particularly the Pathans that are not a closed homogenous group. First, who among the Pathans claim descent from Israelite traditions? Second, even if all the Pathans, irrespective of the sectarian and intra-tribal differences, claim their origin from the land of Israel, why is immigration to Israel today a benchmark to assess their Jewish past? The anti-Zionist sentiments projected by “these groups”, as referred by Aafreedi, should not nullify their assertion to their origin that lies in the land of Israel. Navras ignores the principle of mobility that has shaped nations, communities, and territorial affinities of the people throughout the world. The Pathans, like others, have the right to claim Jewish origins despite being critical of the modern day state of Israel and upholding, if they do, anti-Zionist views.

Substituting faith
The discussion on the formation of Jewish religious identity in the region is central to the book and Aafreedi primarily credits this to the Judaising movements that emerged in Southasia, more specifically among the two percent of Indian Christians. Scholars Tudor Partiff and Emanuela Trevisan Semi, in their book Judaising Movement: Studies in the Margins of Judaism (2002, xi), explain, “…Judaising movements lead both towards formal conversion to some kind of normative Judaism… and to a process of ethnic identification with the people of Israel.” In India, of the three Judaising movements that emerged, two emerged in the second half of the 20th century – based on the claim of descent from lost Israelites, while one emerged in the 21st century based simply on the belief that Judaism is the true religion.

Largely a neglected subject in the history of religion, Navras interrogates the three Judaising movements: B’nei Menashe in Manipur and Mizoram, the B’nei Ephraim in Andhra Pradesh and the Chettiars in Tamil Nadu. These movements are seen by anthropologists as “dual conversions” – religious  conversions that have “taken place in two phases”, as described by Shalva Weil, an academic at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and an expert on the lost Israelite tribes, in her article ‘Dual Conversion Among the Shinlung of North-East India’, published in Studies of Tribes and Tribals (2003), “The first [conversion] was from different types of indigenous religions, often described as animistic religions, to Christianity, and the second conversion was from Christianity to Judaism, a world religion that is relatively insignificant in India and Burma.” Aafreedi explains:

The tribes of Chin, Lushai, Kuki and Mizo in the states of Manipur and Mizoram in north-east India were converted by Christian missionaries, which is where lies the genesis of the Judaising movement among these tribes. Influenced by the Christian missionaries’ stress on the supposed similarities between the practices described in the Hebrew Bible (Tannakh) and the Mizo tribal traditions, they were convinced of their Israelite origin…[Later] The Judaising movement in these Christian people began in 1936 with the revivalist Saichunga’s declaration that the Mizos were one of the lost tribes of Israel. The movement picked pace with the Mizo uprising that started in 1966. By 1972 the notion of descent from the Menasseh, one of the progenitors of the twelve tribes of Israel, had become so widely accepted that some of the groups adopted the name B’nei Menashe, the Hebrew for the ‘Children of Menasseh.’

The religious nationalists and Jewish scholars came in the scene when the B’nei Menashe sought contact with the Israelis in the 1970s. Following which, their immigration to Israel was facilitated and in 1988 Rabbi Avichail, the founder of Amishav (a religious nationalist organisation founded in Jerusalem in 1975), arranged for the formal conversion of twenty-four B’nei Menashe in Mumbai and the following year they immigrated to Israel.

In the context of Zionism, the spirit of Judaic proselytisation, a term that Aafreedi refrains from using, was supported and channelised by right-wing groups in Israel, who “saw the B’nei Menashe as the means to boost Jewish population in West Bank and Gaza.” Amishav and Shavei Israel were dedicated to the search for the lost tribes and both the organisations together took a number of B’nei Menashes to Israel between 1981 and 2007 after formally converting them to Judaism.

This Judaising movement didn’t sit well with the Indian authorities, who feared that these conversions would annoy the predominant Christian population of Northeast where the evangelists expressly opposed these “mass conversions”. Giving details of the mass conversion of the B’nei Menahse tribe, Navras writes, “In 2011, the entire 7000 strong B’nei Menashe community was permitted to settle in Israel. The first group of B’nei Menashe immigrants reached Israel in December 2012 to join 1700 member of their community who had settled there before, some of them two decades ago.”

At the margins
But where do these Southasian Jews find themselves within the social mix in Israel? Jews living in Israel today are largely divided into three main groups – the Ashkenazi, the Sephardi and the Mizrachi. The Ashkenazis are from Germany, France and Eastern Europe. Most American Jews today are Ashkenazis, descended from those who arrived from Europe in the mid-18th and early 19th century. The Sephardis are from Spain, Portugal, North Africa and West Asia. These are Jews who fled Spain after the end of Muslim rule there in 1492. Sephardic Jews are often subdivided into Sephardis and Mizrachis, from North Africa and the Middle East. There is a great social divide in Israel based on racist stereotyping between European Jews, Ashkenazim, and Jews of the Arab-Muslim world, Sephardim. In the early years of the Israeli state, the Mizrahi suffered racism at the hands of Ashkenazi elite. The Zionist narrative has tried to erase the Sephardi’s historical cultural identity. Going back to the past, the post-Zionism Mizrachi still talk about the ill-treatment meted out to them. They recollect memories of discrimination when the Mizrahim were placed in the maabarot, the squalid tent cities, upon their arrival in Israel. The Moroccan and other Mizrahi Jews faced humiliation at the hands of the Israeli immigration authorities who shaved their heads and sprayed their bodies with DDT pesticide.

While writing on the problem of racism will require another academic endeavour, it is, however, crucial to mention the work of Yehouda Shenhav, Professor of sociology and anthropology at Tel Aviv University, who writes in his book The Arab-Jews: Nationalism, Religion, and Ethnicity, the Mizrahim were never really Zionists. Instead, he argues, the Ashkenazi establishment encouraged their immigration to address its own need for cheap labor rather than protect the Mizrahim. Shenhav maintains that “instead of saving the Mizrahi Jews, Zionism  only ruthlessly displaced an entire community” from their Arab homeland, and removed its members’ right to determine their own future. He argues that Zionism liberated only European Jews but left out the Mizrahim who, like the Palestinians, are an abused Third World people suffering under the yoke of first world Ashkenazi oppressors.

Aafreedi’s book concerns itself with members of the Judaising movements in Southasia who still find themselves on the margins of the ‘world Jewry’ and within Southasian nation-states as well. But, what needs to be asked is why do they –Southasian Jews – linger in the margins? Can this be understood in terms of the larger context of intra-Jewish discrimination on grounds of race within Israel? And what of the nature of religious syncretism in Southasia? These questions do not find an answer in this book.

Cinematic tradition
Back home, Aafreedi’s book displays a fine appreciation of the contribution of Jews to India’s modern culture and narrates the stories of their presence in theatre and literature. Like in Hollywood, Jewish women – mostly from small Baghdadi and B’nei Israel Jewish communities – dominated Indian cinema in its early days. Most of India’s earliest female stars were Jewish; a trend that successfully continued until the advent of talkies. Aafreedi adds:

The introduction of sound brought an abrupt end to their film careers for they were incapable of delivering dialogues in Indian languages as they had never bothered to master any.

For instance, the first star of Indian cinema Sulochana (Ruby Myers, 1907-83) could not act in the first talkie film Alam Ara (1931) that was launched by her home company Imperial, and the female lead role in the film was played by Zubeida became she knew Hindi. However, Sulochana decided to learn the language and in just one year’s time made an “ego-affirming comeback” with the record breaking talkie version of Madhuri. Another Jewish actress was Nadira (Florence Ezekiel, 1932-2006) who was cast by Mehboob Khan in the lead role in Aan (1956), India’s first techni-colour film. The film was a major hit and Nadira rose to fame, appearing in several other movies, including Nagma (1953) and Raftaar (1955).

The Baghdadi Jews had a visible western influence in their lifestyle. It was this ‘westernisation’ that aided Jewish actors to swim against the popular notion that women ran the risk of maligning their reputation if they acted in films. Jewish women consciously chose acting as a career in Bollywood and indulged in the performing arts without any inhibitions. It was they who became the torchbearers for other Indian women from ‘respectable families’ to follow suit in later years. Public performances by women in early Indian cinema were a social taboo because of the gender socialization involved, thus invoking the traditional morality claims of the Indian audience. This was the general atmosphere then and it was in this background that Jewish heroines made a beginning.

Suochana’s assertiveness also saw her launching her own production company, much like Pramila (the first Miss India in 1947). The book is replete with such stories of Jewish artists in India, who were well recognised in the public sphere for their work and also won accolades ranging from Padamshri, India’s fourth largest civilian award, to Sahitya Akademi Award, the National Prize for Literature.

Bhai-bhai
Aafreedi dedicates much time and effort to establish and narrate examples of Jewish-Muslim amity (curiously, Jewish-Hindu relations finds no space in this work). Substantiating his argument of cordiality between the two communities, he writes,

Almost all synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in South Asia have been looked after by Muslims ever since the Jewish population in South Asia dwindled as a result of the mass emigration to Israel. Most of the students in the Jewish run schools in India are Muslims. The longest serving principal of the oldest school of secondary education for Muslim girls, Anjuman-e-Ilsma, has been a B’nei Israel lady, Annie Samson, who served the institution for three decades.  There are several examples of Jews who embraced Sufism and came to be revered by Muslims.

There are other such examples of Jewish-Muslim conviviality in Southasia that Aafreedi writes about in the second last chapter of the book. Yet in a chapter titled Jewish Exile in India:1933-45 he concludes,

The opposition to the Jews came from the Muslim leaders in India who were pro-Arab. For them the bonds of religion were stronger than the sufferings of Jews under Hitler. Keeping in view the sentiments of the Muslims towards this question, the government imposed many restrictions on the settlement of Jews in India.

To pin the responsibility for India’s failure in providing asylum to the exiled Jews on Muslims is nothing short of a parochial reading of history. The time period mentioned in the title of the book, 1933-45, itself provides the answer to India’s reluctance in allowing asylum seekers. It was the most politically tumultuous time for Indians, both Hindu and Muslims alike; and there was no Muslim political force that could decide or influence the decision of the political leaders of the time in the subcontinent, who were struggling under the colonial rule.

Though it suffers from making a few generalisations, the present book is, however, a successful attempt at discussing the history of Jews in India, and in initiating a dialogue for introducing Indo-Judaic studies in Southasia. A pioneering work, introducing Indian Jewry to the world of academics, Aafreedi lays the first stone for further research in the field of Jewish History in Southasia.

~ Ambreen Agha has completed her Ph.D from Jawaharlal Nehru University . Currently, she is a Research Associate with the New Delhi-based Institute for Conflict Management. Her larger area of interest is study of religion and its manifestation in both violent and non-violent forms.