Friday, 18 November 2016

Jews, Judaizing Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia


The first book ever to combine the socio-historical-cultural study of the three Jewish communities of India, viz., the Bene Israel, the Cochini and the Baghdadi, the three Judaizing movements that emerged in India during the last seventy years, viz., the B'nei Menashe of Manipur and Mizoram, the B'nei Ephraim of Andhra Pradesh and the Chettiars of Tamil Nadu, and the traditions of Israelite descent among certain sections of Muslims and Christians in South Asia and the Jewish response to those traditions.

"One of the most widely discussed works on the lost tribes of humanity in recent times."

- Vidya Pandit, Education World

"Historians...believe that Navras' research may turn out to be a milestone in the genealogical-historical research that takes place in an obscure corner of Lucknow, rediscovering a link lost in the passage of time."

- Farzand Ahmad, India Today

"A comprehensive and perhaps a landmark study of the Jews in India."
- Prof S N Sinha, Emeritus Professor, Allahabad University and Former Head, Department of History, Jamia Millia Islamia

"...a significant work of reference, and throughout is most interesting and written in elegant and lucid style. It is a welcome contribution to the field of Indo-Judaic Studies, and fills a lacuna in our sketchy, often shadowy knowledge of the Indian Jews and the claimants of Israelite descent in India."

- Professor K P Mishra, Former Pro-Vice Chancellor, University of Gorakhpur
"An admirably lucid and elegant account of the history of Indian Jews and those groups who profess to have descended from the 'Lost Tribes of Israel'."

- Professor V D Pandey, Former Head, Department of Medieval & Modern Indian History, University of Lucknow


“…A successful attempt at discussing the history of Jews in India, and in initiating a dialogue for introducing Indo-Judaic studies in Southasia. A pioneering work, introducing Indian Jewry to the world of academics, Aafreedi lays the first stone for further research in the field of Jewish History in Southasia.”
 
-          - Ambreen Agha, Himal Southasian
"...research...has drawn wide appreciation..."

- Puja Awasthi, The Sunday Indian

Author: Since the publication of the book, its author Dr Navras Jaat Aafreedi has joined Presidency University in Kolkata as Assistant Professor in History. Before that he taught at Gautam Buddha University for six years and four months as Assistant Professor in its Department of History & Civilization.
 
Order your copy today:

Vikas Kapoor
Pragati Publications

Vikas_Kapoor_1234@yahoo.co.in

Pragati Publications
4382/4B Ansari Road
Daryaganj
New Delhi - 110 002

Phone: 
+91-7533 00 106 1
+91-7533 00 106 4

Know thy Jews: STATESMAN's review of Navras Jaat Aafreedi's JEWS, JUDAIZING MOVEMENTS AND THE TRADITIONS OF ISRAELITE DESCENT IN SOUTH ASIA (2016)


From the Margins: A Review of Navras Jaat Aafreedi's JEWS, JUDAIZING MOVEMENTS AND THE TRADITIONS OF ISRAELITE DESCENT IN SOUTH ASIA (2016)

By Ambreen Agha

16 September 2016, Himal Southasian

Navras Jaat Aafreedi’s book puts focus on Southasian Jews.
 
Beni-Israel family from Bombay State. (Photo: Wikimedia/Jewish Encyclopedia)
Beni-Israel family from Bombay State. (Photo: Wikimedia/Jewish Encyclopedia)

Navras Jaat Aafreedi’s book Jews, Judaising Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia is a study of this influential religious minority. It delves into the history of Judaising movements, and engages with the lesser-known Israelite traditions within various communities in Southasia. Published by Pragati Publications in 2016, the book’s author, a scholar of Indo-Judaic Studies, hopes to stimulate interest of Indian academics in Indo-Judaic Studies.

The book traces the presence of Jews in Southasia, which, according to “their records” goes back “for more than two millennia”, even though other historical records suggest their presence in the Subcontinent goes back around 11 centuries. For most of their history, Southasia’s Jews have been living in present-day India, though they did establish small communities in what is now Pakistan and Bangladesh. Despite the shorter periods spent by Jewish communities in these regions, there have always been  groups living here who consider themselves of Israelite descent. These groups including the Pakhtuns of Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kashmiris, Qidwais and Bani Israil clans of India trace their origin to Judaism given the similarities of traditions with the Israelite Jews. Some of these similarities have been written about including by Yitzak Ben-Zvi, a historian and the second President of Israel, who in his book The Exiled and the Redeemed recorded testimonies provided by Afghan-Jewish immigrants to Israel about Pathan practices that are Jewish in nature: the lighting of candles on the Sabbath, keeping of long sidelocks, wearing of shawls resembling tallith, the Jewish prayer shawl, circumcision on the eighth day after birth, and the Levirate – in which a man marries his brother’s widow.

Aafreedi’s book discusses five other groups in Southasia that have traditions of Israelite descent. Unlike the B’nei Menashe, these groups have not experienced the Judaising movements, and all of these groups are Muslim, except the Kenanya who are Syrian Orthodox Christian.  Aafreedi writes:

Among the Muslim groups, the Qidwai/Kidwai and the Bani Israel, trace their descent from Jews and not necessarily the lost tribes, unlike the Pashtuns and Kashmiris, who claim descent from the lost tribes of Israel. Pashtuns and Kashmiris believe that the biblical stories, particularly those of them which are also found in the Qur’an, are actually historical events and the characters in these stories really did exist. In terms of evidence, all that these groups (and all those who support the theories of their Israelite origins) have been able to present, are alleged similarities of their customs and rituals with the Jewish ones and the mention of their putative Israelite origins several medieval texts.

But most scholars are unconvinced, says Aafreedi. They either doubt the existence of the lost tribes or believe that even if they exist, they got assimilated in the Assyrian population in the seventh century BCE. While there remains a debate on the existence of the lost tribes, interestingly, the Qidwais trace their lineage from either of the two sons of the biblical character Jacob (Yahuda) or Lava. The progenitor of the Qidwais, the Sufi saint Qazi Qidwatuddin, who settled in India in 1191 CE is considered to be an Israelite by descent.

Establishing the claim of Israelite descent of Pathans, Navras quotes from Ben-Zvi’s The Exiled and the Redeemed (1957). Questioning the rationale behind this belief among the Pathans, Olaf Caroe, an administrator in British India and Governor of the then North-West Frontier Province (now a part of Pakistan), states that the “tradition of descent from the lost tribes of Israel among the Pathans emanates from their desire to distance themselves from their pre-Islamic polytheistic past, as it helps them trace their genealogy from the supposed patriarchs and founders of monotheism, accepted by Jews, Christians and Muslims alike.” Adding to this, Aafreedi believes that it is difficult to say anything conclusive in regards to the traditions of Israelite origin of the four Muslim groups under study, arguing in a general strain, “Why would these groups, which are so strongly anti-Zionist and anti-Israel and also greatly prejudiced against Jews and hence unwilling to immigrate to Israel unlike the B’nei Menashe and B’nei Ephraim, choose to claim origins from the land of Israel, which is the sanctum sanctorum of Judaism, the core of Zionism, and the geographical location of the modern state of Israel, without any basis?”

But in asking this question in these terms, Aafreedi’s work suffers from making serious generalisations. The author did not specify the sectarian nuances of these groups, particularly the Pathans that are not a closed homogenous group. First, who among the Pathans claim descent from Israelite traditions? Second, even if all the Pathans, irrespective of the sectarian and intra-tribal differences, claim their origin from the land of Israel, why is immigration to Israel today a benchmark to assess their Jewish past? The anti-Zionist sentiments projected by “these groups”, as referred by Aafreedi, should not nullify their assertion to their origin that lies in the land of Israel. Navras ignores the principle of mobility that has shaped nations, communities, and territorial affinities of the people throughout the world. The Pathans, like others, have the right to claim Jewish origins despite being critical of the modern day state of Israel and upholding, if they do, anti-Zionist views.

Substituting faith
The discussion on the formation of Jewish religious identity in the region is central to the book and Aafreedi primarily credits this to the Judaising movements that emerged in Southasia, more specifically among the two percent of Indian Christians. Scholars Tudor Partiff and Emanuela Trevisan Semi, in their book Judaising Movement: Studies in the Margins of Judaism (2002, xi), explain, “…Judaising movements lead both towards formal conversion to some kind of normative Judaism… and to a process of ethnic identification with the people of Israel.” In India, of the three Judaising movements that emerged, two emerged in the second half of the 20th century – based on the claim of descent from lost Israelites, while one emerged in the 21st century based simply on the belief that Judaism is the true religion.

Largely a neglected subject in the history of religion, Navras interrogates the three Judaising movements: B’nei Menashe in Manipur and Mizoram, the B’nei Ephraim in Andhra Pradesh and the Chettiars in Tamil Nadu. These movements are seen by anthropologists as “dual conversions” – religious  conversions that have “taken place in two phases”, as described by Shalva Weil, an academic at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and an expert on the lost Israelite tribes, in her article ‘Dual Conversion Among the Shinlung of North-East India’, published in Studies of Tribes and Tribals (2003), “The first [conversion] was from different types of indigenous religions, often described as animistic religions, to Christianity, and the second conversion was from Christianity to Judaism, a world religion that is relatively insignificant in India and Burma.” Aafreedi explains:

The tribes of Chin, Lushai, Kuki and Mizo in the states of Manipur and Mizoram in north-east India were converted by Christian missionaries, which is where lies the genesis of the Judaising movement among these tribes. Influenced by the Christian missionaries’ stress on the supposed similarities between the practices described in the Hebrew Bible (Tannakh) and the Mizo tribal traditions, they were convinced of their Israelite origin…[Later] The Judaising movement in these Christian people began in 1936 with the revivalist Saichunga’s declaration that the Mizos were one of the lost tribes of Israel. The movement picked pace with the Mizo uprising that started in 1966. By 1972 the notion of descent from the Menasseh, one of the progenitors of the twelve tribes of Israel, had become so widely accepted that some of the groups adopted the name B’nei Menashe, the Hebrew for the ‘Children of Menasseh.’

The religious nationalists and Jewish scholars came in the scene when the B’nei Menashe sought contact with the Israelis in the 1970s. Following which, their immigration to Israel was facilitated and in 1988 Rabbi Avichail, the founder of Amishav (a religious nationalist organisation founded in Jerusalem in 1975), arranged for the formal conversion of twenty-four B’nei Menashe in Mumbai and the following year they immigrated to Israel.

In the context of Zionism, the spirit of Judaic proselytisation, a term that Aafreedi refrains from using, was supported and channelised by right-wing groups in Israel, who “saw the B’nei Menashe as the means to boost Jewish population in West Bank and Gaza.” Amishav and Shavei Israel were dedicated to the search for the lost tribes and both the organisations together took a number of B’nei Menashes to Israel between 1981 and 2007 after formally converting them to Judaism.

This Judaising movement didn’t sit well with the Indian authorities, who feared that these conversions would annoy the predominant Christian population of Northeast where the evangelists expressly opposed these “mass conversions”. Giving details of the mass conversion of the B’nei Menahse tribe, Navras writes, “In 2011, the entire 7000 strong B’nei Menashe community was permitted to settle in Israel. The first group of B’nei Menashe immigrants reached Israel in December 2012 to join 1700 member of their community who had settled there before, some of them two decades ago.”

At the margins
But where do these Southasian Jews find themselves within the social mix in Israel? Jews living in Israel today are largely divided into three main groups – the Ashkenazi, the Sephardi and the Mizrachi. The Ashkenazis are from Germany, France and Eastern Europe. Most American Jews today are Ashkenazis, descended from those who arrived from Europe in the mid-18th and early 19th century. The Sephardis are from Spain, Portugal, North Africa and West Asia. These are Jews who fled Spain after the end of Muslim rule there in 1492. Sephardic Jews are often subdivided into Sephardis and Mizrachis, from North Africa and the Middle East. There is a great social divide in Israel based on racist stereotyping between European Jews, Ashkenazim, and Jews of the Arab-Muslim world, Sephardim. In the early years of the Israeli state, the Mizrahi suffered racism at the hands of Ashkenazi elite. The Zionist narrative has tried to erase the Sephardi’s historical cultural identity. Going back to the past, the post-Zionism Mizrachi still talk about the ill-treatment meted out to them. They recollect memories of discrimination when the Mizrahim were placed in the maabarot, the squalid tent cities, upon their arrival in Israel. The Moroccan and other Mizrahi Jews faced humiliation at the hands of the Israeli immigration authorities who shaved their heads and sprayed their bodies with DDT pesticide.

While writing on the problem of racism will require another academic endeavour, it is, however, crucial to mention the work of Yehouda Shenhav, Professor of sociology and anthropology at Tel Aviv University, who writes in his book The Arab-Jews: Nationalism, Religion, and Ethnicity, the Mizrahim were never really Zionists. Instead, he argues, the Ashkenazi establishment encouraged their immigration to address its own need for cheap labor rather than protect the Mizrahim. Shenhav maintains that “instead of saving the Mizrahi Jews, Zionism  only ruthlessly displaced an entire community” from their Arab homeland, and removed its members’ right to determine their own future. He argues that Zionism liberated only European Jews but left out the Mizrahim who, like the Palestinians, are an abused Third World people suffering under the yoke of first world Ashkenazi oppressors.

Aafreedi’s book concerns itself with members of the Judaising movements in Southasia who still find themselves on the margins of the ‘world Jewry’ and within Southasian nation-states as well. But, what needs to be asked is why do they –Southasian Jews – linger in the margins? Can this be understood in terms of the larger context of intra-Jewish discrimination on grounds of race within Israel? And what of the nature of religious syncretism in Southasia? These questions do not find an answer in this book.

Cinematic tradition
Back home, Aafreedi’s book displays a fine appreciation of the contribution of Jews to India’s modern culture and narrates the stories of their presence in theatre and literature. Like in Hollywood, Jewish women – mostly from small Baghdadi and B’nei Israel Jewish communities – dominated Indian cinema in its early days. Most of India’s earliest female stars were Jewish; a trend that successfully continued until the advent of talkies. Aafreedi adds:

The introduction of sound brought an abrupt end to their film careers for they were incapable of delivering dialogues in Indian languages as they had never bothered to master any.

For instance, the first star of Indian cinema Sulochana (Ruby Myers, 1907-83) could not act in the first talkie film Alam Ara (1931) that was launched by her home company Imperial, and the female lead role in the film was played by Zubeida became she knew Hindi. However, Sulochana decided to learn the language and in just one year’s time made an “ego-affirming comeback” with the record breaking talkie version of Madhuri. Another Jewish actress was Nadira (Florence Ezekiel, 1932-2006) who was cast by Mehboob Khan in the lead role in Aan (1956), India’s first techni-colour film. The film was a major hit and Nadira rose to fame, appearing in several other movies, including Nagma (1953) and Raftaar (1955).

The Baghdadi Jews had a visible western influence in their lifestyle. It was this ‘westernisation’ that aided Jewish actors to swim against the popular notion that women ran the risk of maligning their reputation if they acted in films. Jewish women consciously chose acting as a career in Bollywood and indulged in the performing arts without any inhibitions. It was they who became the torchbearers for other Indian women from ‘respectable families’ to follow suit in later years. Public performances by women in early Indian cinema were a social taboo because of the gender socialization involved, thus invoking the traditional morality claims of the Indian audience. This was the general atmosphere then and it was in this background that Jewish heroines made a beginning.

Suochana’s assertiveness also saw her launching her own production company, much like Pramila (the first Miss India in 1947). The book is replete with such stories of Jewish artists in India, who were well recognised in the public sphere for their work and also won accolades ranging from Padamshri, India’s fourth largest civilian award, to Sahitya Akademi Award, the National Prize for Literature.

Bhai-bhai
Aafreedi dedicates much time and effort to establish and narrate examples of Jewish-Muslim amity (curiously, Jewish-Hindu relations finds no space in this work). Substantiating his argument of cordiality between the two communities, he writes,

Almost all synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in South Asia have been looked after by Muslims ever since the Jewish population in South Asia dwindled as a result of the mass emigration to Israel. Most of the students in the Jewish run schools in India are Muslims. The longest serving principal of the oldest school of secondary education for Muslim girls, Anjuman-e-Ilsma, has been a B’nei Israel lady, Annie Samson, who served the institution for three decades.  There are several examples of Jews who embraced Sufism and came to be revered by Muslims.

There are other such examples of Jewish-Muslim conviviality in Southasia that Aafreedi writes about in the second last chapter of the book. Yet in a chapter titled Jewish Exile in India:1933-45 he concludes,

The opposition to the Jews came from the Muslim leaders in India who were pro-Arab. For them the bonds of religion were stronger than the sufferings of Jews under Hitler. Keeping in view the sentiments of the Muslims towards this question, the government imposed many restrictions on the settlement of Jews in India.

To pin the responsibility for India’s failure in providing asylum to the exiled Jews on Muslims is nothing short of a parochial reading of history. The time period mentioned in the title of the book, 1933-45, itself provides the answer to India’s reluctance in allowing asylum seekers. It was the most politically tumultuous time for Indians, both Hindu and Muslims alike; and there was no Muslim political force that could decide or influence the decision of the political leaders of the time in the subcontinent, who were struggling under the colonial rule.

Though it suffers from making a few generalisations, the present book is, however, a successful attempt at discussing the history of Jews in India, and in initiating a dialogue for introducing Indo-Judaic studies in Southasia. A pioneering work, introducing Indian Jewry to the world of academics, Aafreedi lays the first stone for further research in the field of Jewish History in Southasia.

~ Ambreen Agha has completed her Ph.D from Jawaharlal Nehru University . Currently, she is a Research Associate with the New Delhi-based Institute for Conflict Management. Her larger area of interest is study of religion and its manifestation in both violent and non-violent forms.

Dr Navras Jaat Aafreedi's interview with THE TIMES OF INDIA

‘Unlike China, India’s Jews survived … Indian Muslims, Jews unique friends … tolerance debate, minority studies vital for India’

July 1, 2016, 2:00 am IST in The Interviews Blog | Edit Page, India, Q&A | TOI
 
Navras Jaat Aafreedi teaches history at Presidency University, Kolkata, and has written Jews, Judaizing Movements and the Traditions of Israelite Descent in South Asia. Speaking with Eram Agha, Aafreedi discussed ‘minority’ status for Maharashtra’s Jews, Jewish amity with Indian Muslims – and ‘intolerance’: 

What does ‘minority’ status now mean to Jews in Maharashtra?

It means official recognition of the separate identity of Indian Jews – the proportion of Jews in India’s total population being a mere 0.0004%.

China and India are the only two countries in the world where Jews lived for centuries in peace with non-Jewish neighbours because of the non-proselytising nature of major religions in these countries. Also, these countries never felt threatened by Jews because of Judaism’s non-proselytising nature.

But Chinese Jews ceased to exist as a result of complete assimilation – Indian Jews, on the other hand, never lost their distinctive identity, helped by India’s endogamous nature and its tolerance.

The fact that Indian Jews maintained their identity and, in their small way, prospered, is an impressive example of their tenacity.

Could you tell us about some contributions made by Jews in India?

Interestingly, most of the earliest female stars of Indian cinema were Jewish, like Sulochana, Pramila, Rose, Romila – of all the ethnic and religious groups in India, the earliest female film stars came from a minority within India’s smallest religious minority!

The Baghdadis, one of the three Jewish communities in India, completely anglicised themselves. The only other similar community was the Parsis. But Parsi women were not the first to boldly act in films, braving all the risks involved – the initiative was taken by Baghdadi Jewish women.

Baghdadi Jews also played an important role in the development of Mumbai and Kolkata. A Bene Israel Jew, Nissim Ezekiel, is widely acknowledged as the father of India’s modern English poetry. Lt Gen J F R Jacob played a crucial role in India’s war with Pakistan in 1971 – which led to the liberation of Bangladesh.

What are three challenges faced by the Jewish community in India today?

Firstly, continuity of their centuries’ old presence in India – numbers are dwindling with migration to Israel. Secondly, preservation of cultural heritage and lastly, striking a balance between their eternal yearning for the promised land, Israel, and their love for India – their home.

What do Indian Jews think of Palestine’s demand for statehood?

Like any other community, Indian Jews are not a monolith – members hold different points of view on this.

Meanwhile, Brexit and Donald Trump are tom-tomming terms like ‘outsiders’ in political discourse – how does India compare?

India stands out – it’s always welcomed ‘others’, though the phenomenon involved was swikriti (acceptance) rather than equality, as Amartya Sen points out.

But India was kind enough to open her doors freely to those seeking refuge. In the 1930s, hundreds of German and East European Jews were given refuge in India. Nehru persuaded the British government for this and made the Indian Medical Council recognise Continental medical qualifications to enable refugee doctors to practise here.

The grateful refugees introduced new industries to India. During World War II, Polish and other European Jews also escaped Hitler and took shelter here.

Recently, India’s grappled with an ‘intolerance’ debate – your views.

Such debates only strengthen democracy – these should be welcomed.

One of democracy’s prerequisites is awareness of cultural, religious and ethnic diversity – lest democracy turns into majoritarianism.

We must celebrate plurality – this can be done only by promoting minority studies though. I lament the absence of Jewish studies in India. In contrast to India, China – that doesn’t even have a Jewish community any more – has Jewish studies as an academic discipline.

Have other communities influenced Indian Jews?

Well, India’s produced beautiful examples of Jewish-Muslim amity – not found anywhere else in the world.

Owing to close associations, Bene Israel Jews adopted a number of Islamic terms – like the word masjid for synagogue and namaz for prayers.

Most synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in India are looked after by Muslims. Most students in India’s two Jewish-run schools are Muslims. The only assistant professor of Hebrew in India is a devout Muslim, Khurshid Imam. The most prominent Hebrew calligrapher of India is a Muslim, Thoufeek Zakriya. The only engraver of Jewish tombstones for Maharashtra is a Muslim, Muhammad Abdul Yassin.

Even the Arab-Israel conflict failed to dent cordial relations of Indian Jews and Muslims.

Monday, 17 August 2015

Indian Jews: Building Bridges between India and Israel


By Kait Bolongaro, Deutsche Welle, August 17, 2015

As India and Israel ramp up trade, Jews of Indian origin are viewed as the key to forging closer ties. New Delhi has a plan to foster closer connections between Israelis with Indian roots and their ancestral homeland.
 
Political leaders in India and Israel are strengthening their economic and political ties with an unexpected cultural connection: their shared community of Indian Jews.
There are about 80,000 Israelis with Indian origins, while an estimated 5,000 remain in India, according to the Indian Embassy in Tel Aviv.
 
New Delhi has a plan to foster closer cultural connections between the Israeli descendants of Indians and their ancestors' country of origin.
 
"We hope to have a package tour to Jewish heritage sites in Mumbai and elsewhere by early next year," said Jaideep Sarkar, India's ambassador to Israel, the Press Trust of India news agency reported.
 
Sarkar announced the project in front of more than 3,500 Jews of Indian origin at the third National Convention of Indian Jews in Ramla, Israel, last Thursday.
"We want to tell the world proudly about the rich Jewish life in India," Sarkar said. "With your efforts, we are working to preserve the Jewish heritage in India."
 
Building Indian-Israeli ties
 
New Delhi and Tel Aviv formally established diplomatic ties in 1992, 45 years after the official founding of Israel.
 
Efforts to further develop this political and economic relationship have intensified under the current leadership of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
 
Since Modi took office in 2014, India has become the largest customer for Israeli military equipment. The world's largest democracy opted to purchase Rafael's Spike anti-tank guided missiles over the American model of Javelin missiles, a deal worth $525 million (472 million euros). The two states even are set to establish a joint aerial defense system.
 
The leader of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is also set to become the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel.
 
New Delhi and Tel Aviv are in the midst of negotiating a free trade agreement. In 2014, bilateral trade was worth $4.5 billion.
 
Jewish communities in India
Though the first physical record of Jews in modern-day India comes in the form of 1,000-year-old copper plates, oral tradition dates their arrival their to over three millennia ago.
 
India is home to three ancient Jewish communities: the Bene Israel, centered in and around Mumbai; the Baghdadi Jews, near Calcutta; and the Cochin Jews, around Kerala. Another group, the Bnei Menashe, from the northeast, was recognized as one of the Lost Tribes of Israel in 2005.
 
According to Dr. Navras Jaat Aafreedi, an assistant professor at India's Gautam Buddha University, Jews have flourished as one of the Hindu-dominated country's many religious minorities.

 
"The only Jews who didn't come to Israel with baggage of sad memories were Jews from India," Aafreedi told DW. "They cherished their memories of the country."
 
The majority of India's Jews made their aliyah, or migration to Israel, after India became independent from Britain in 1947.
 
According to Aafreedi, each community left for their own reasons including Zionism, marriage partners, better economic prospects and fears of life without the privileged status held under British rule.
 
Preserving Indian Jewish identity
 
By supporting events such as the National Convention for Indian Jews and expanding Jewish heritage tourism, India's government is strengthening diplomatic relations through identity.
 
"The important thing is to continue what you began so well and pass on the spirit and idea behind the convention to the next generation," Sarkar said at last week's event. "The house of Indian Jewish unity has a strong foundation. Now we have to build upon it."
 
Projects around India are trying to kindle the memory of the dwindling Jewish community. One such project is Recalling Jewish Calcutta, a digital archive striving to document the remainder of a once-influential Baghdadi Jewish community whose population has fallen to fewer than 20 people.
Aafreedi believes that programs like the tour of Jewish heritage sites in India are important to preserve Indian Jewish identity.
 
"This is certainly a very good step because the first generation migrants continue to have a great love of India, the country they left, but the second generation doesn't have the same sense of bonding with India," he told DW. "This [program] can renew the bond that the first generation feels and can ignite that feeling also among the second and third generation of Indians in Israel."
 
Indian Jews in Israel may be the key to ensuring the memory of India's once-thriving communities survives as members continue to emigrate or pass away.

Monday, 29 December 2014

פתאני אמיתי הוא מבני ישראל | אליהו בירנבוים

מסע אל הפתאנים חושף קהילה מוסלמית שורשית בעלת מנהגים הקרובים ליהדות המתייחסת אל שבטי ישראל. ולא, הם לא בדרך לכאן
למרות שחקרתי וביקרתי קבוצות רבות של נידחי ישראל, קשה לתאר את ההתרגשות שאפפה אותי כאשר שמעתי מפיהם של שייח'ים ומאמינים מוסלמיים האומרים: "אנחנו צאצאים של באני אישראיל". 1,400 שנה לאחר שהם התאסלמו, עדיין פתאנים רבים יודעים לומר שהם צאצאים לעם היהודי, לא כמיתוס או אגדה בלבד אלא כעובדה היסטורית. כפי שאמר לי פרופ' נברס אפרידי בהודו, צאצא העם הפתאני החוקר את התופעה: "דע לך שפתאני שאינו אומר שהוא מבני ישראל אינו פתאני אמיתי".
במסעי עברתי בין כפרים שונים של הפתאנים, בעיקר במדינת רג'סטן, בטיגריה הסמוכה לעיר ג'יפור, בכפרים שונים וכמובן גם בערים ג'יפור ופושקר. במשך כמה ימים עברתי בין כפרי מוסלמים שונים בדרום הודו ולמרות שכל האוכלוסייה כולה היא של מוסלמים ואין זה מחזה יום יומי לראות אדם מערבי, יהודי וישראלי מטייל שם, הרגשתי ביניהם בבית ובמשפחה.
ניתן לזהות אותיות עבריות בתוך הטקסט. הרב אליהו בירנבוים מעיין בספרי היוחסין עם "בארא הזארי"‎
גלות ראובן
המונח פתאנים (או פשטונים) הוא מושג כללי הכולל את השבטים המוסלמיים שהתיישבו בצפון מזרח פקיסטן ובצפון מערב אפגניסטן. חלק מהשבטים הפתאניים יצאו לגלות והגיעו במאה ה־13 מאפגניסטן לדרום הודו והמשיכו לחיות שם כשבטים נבדלים על פי מנהגיהם. חלק מהפתאנים משתייכים לזרם המוסלמי של הטליבאן הקיצוני.
לפי המסורת של הפתאנים העוברת בעל פה מדור לדור, מקורם בבני ישראל אשר גלו מארץ ישראל ונדדו לאשור ומשם לפרס ולאחר מכן לאפגניסטן. המיקום הגיאוגרפי שבו התיישבו – אזור חייבר בהרי אפגניסטן – דומה לשם חבור שבספר מלכים מוזכר כמקום שאליו גלו שבטי ראובן וגד וחצי שבט המנשה: 
"בִּשְׁנַת הַתְּשִׁעִית לְהוֹשֵׁעַ לָכַד מֶלֶךְ־אַשּׁוּר אֶת־שֹׁמְרוֹן וַיֶּגֶל אֶת־יִשְׂרָאֵל אַשּׁוּרָה, וַיֹּשֶׁב אוֹתָם בַּחְלַח וּבְחָבוֹר" (מלכים ב יז, ו).
לפי מחקרים שונים, הפתאנים היו חלק מהעם היהודי עד אשר במהלך תקופה שבין המאה השביעית לעשירית הם אימצו את דת האסלאם. האגדה הפתאנית מספרת שכאשר הגיע חאלד אבן ואליד, הגנרל של צבא מוחמד, אל מלך ששמו קיס וסיפר לו על מוחמד – קיס שעמד בראש קבוצה של שכירי חרב התפעל מדתו של מוחמד והחליט להמיר את דתו ואת דת חייליו. קיס, שלפי המסורת היה מצאצאיו של שאול בן קיש, הגיע לבקר את מוחמד והוא בירך אותו שהוא ועמו יהיו "פתאן" – קרי "המנצחים שלי". כך הפכו הפתאנים היהודים להיות פתאנים מוסלמים והפכו לחלק מצבאו של מוחמד.
הפתאנים מחולקים לשבטים שונים ומעניין ששמותיהם מזכירים את שמם של שבטי ישראל. חלק מהפתאנים משייכים עצמם לשבט ה"אפרידי" המזוהה עם צאצאי אפרים, אחרים עם בני "יוסף זאי", בניו של יוסף. יש הקושרים עצמם ל"מוסא קל", הלא הם בני משה, ואחרים חושבים שהם בני גד: "גאדי זאי". יש פתאנים המשייכים עצמם לשבט ראובן (רבאני) ולשבט לוי (לבאני), אולם רוב הפתאנים רואים את עצמם כצאצאים של שאול המלך.
הפתאנים נחשבים לאנשים חכמים במיוחד בהודו. הם משויכים לקסטות הגבוהות, וידועים כלוחמים טובים, כאנשים בעלי מבנה גוף גדול ורחב וכבעלי יוזמה. אנשים רבים מהם רואים במאפיינים אלו "תכונות יהודיות".
מנהגים יהודיים
למרות שהפתאנים הם מוסלמים המאמינים בקוראן ומקיימים את מצוותיו, הם שומרים על מנהגים שונים שמבדילים בינם לבין שאר המוסלמים ויוצרים זיקה מעניינת עם מצוות ומנהגים של העם היהודי.
הפתאנים נוהגים שלא לאכול בשר גמל למרות שעל פי חוקי האסלאם הדבר מותר. בשר הגמל היה עבור המוסלמים כמו בשר החזיר עבור הנוצרים. כאשר האחרונים ביקשו לבדוק אם אדם הוא נוצרי מאמין או שהוא אנוס, כלומר יהודי בלבו ונוצרי כלפי חוץ, הם נהגו לבדוק אותו על ידי אכילת בשר חזיר. כך גם בעולם המוסלמי, הדרך לבדוק אם אדם אינו אנוס ומסתיר דבר מה הייתה על ידי אכילת בשר גמל. לכן, ההימנעות של הפתאנים מאכילת בשר גמל היא בעלת משמעות, שכן היא נתפסת כמאפיין יהודי. כמו כן הפתאנים נמנעים מאכילת בשר עם חלב יחד. מאחד הפתאנים שמעתי שאם אכל בשר ביום אחד, הוא לא יאכל חלב באותו יום אלא רק למחרת. בדומה, אגב, לאחת הדעות בגמרא בנושא.
מצוות המילה נשמרת אצל הפתאנים באופן שונה מאשר אצל אחיהם המוסלמים. ראשית, הם מקיימים את ברית המילה בשבוע הראשון לאחר הלידה או במועד הראשון שהילד חזק דיו כדי לעמוד במילה (לאו דווקא ביום השמיני). שנית, יש אצלם "סנדק" המחזיק את התינוק בזמן המילה. לרוב הסב הוא הסנדק של נכדו. הסנדק נוהג להניח על ברכיו כרית ועליה מונח התינוק. כמו כן, הברית נחוגה בפאר וברוב עם ולא בצנעה כפי שנוהגים המוסלמים.
הפתאנים מקפידים לקבור את מתיהם בבית קברות נפרד משאר האוכלוסייה המקומית. בעבר הפתאנים נהגו שלא לגלח את פאות הלחיים ולמעשה לגדל זקן. אצל חלק מהם, בעיקר באזור אפגניסטן, אפשר היה לזהות מעין "פאות" בצידי הפנים. כיום רק זקנים או בעלי מעמד דתי בעדה מקפידים על כך.
ספרי יוחסין
אחד הרגעים המרגשים והמרתקים ביותר במסע היה כאשר ביקרנו בכפר ניוונה שברג'סטן, בביתו של "בארא הזארי", מר מוחמד סאדר חן. הגענו לביתו הצנוע בפאתי הכפר, בית שבו מתגוררת משפחתו לדורותיה. לאחר שיחה ראשונית הוא סיפר לנו על ספרי היוחסין של הפתאנים (סג'רה). בספרים אלו נרשמים כל הלידות, הנישואין והפטירות בתוך קהילת הפתאנים. למעשה, לכל משפחה פתאנית יש אילן יוחסין בתוך ספרי היוחסין המגיעים עד אדם הראשון, נח, אברהם יצחק ויעקב ושנים עשר השבטים.
לאחר טקס קבלת האורחים והכיבודים כמיטב המסורת הפתאנית – הוצאת מיטות הבית לחצר כדי לשבת עליהן ושתיית תה ומים מן הבאר – הגיע הרגע המיוחל ומר מוחמד סאדר חן ניגש לביתו והביא מחדר קטן את ספרי היוחסין. הדפים הצהובים והבלויים מלמדים על ההיסטוריה הארוכה שעברה עליהם ועל הפתאנים. מר סאדר חן החל לקרוא בספרים אלו ולטענתו הנוסח הוא שילוב של שלוש שפות, סנסקריט ופושטו בשילוב אותיות עבריות עתיקות. ואכן, במאמץ מסוים ניתן לזהות אותיות עבריות המשולבות בתוך הטקסט. בעיקר האותיות ש', פ' ו־ל'. מר סאדר חן ממשיך לכתוב ולערוך את ספרי היוחסין של הפתאנים בהודו עד היום, כפי שנהוג לעשות גם באפגניסטן.
משפחות רבות מקרב הפתאנים מקפידות עד היום לא להתחתן עם בן זוג ללא בדיקה האם משפחתו מופיעה בספרים אלו והיא משפחה עם ייחוס פתאני. כידוע, האסלאם מאפשר לכל מוסלמי להתחתן עם מוסלמי אחר או עם אדם המאמין בא־ל אחד או שהוא מקבל עליו את אמונת האסלאם, אך הפתאנים המסורתיים לעולם לא יתחתנו עם אישה מוסלמית.
כאשר ביקרתי בכפר טיגריה, פגשתי משפחה פתאנית הממשיכה לשמור באדיקות על המנהגים הפתאניים. הבן הבכור של המשפחה, צעיר בן 16, סיפר לי תוך כדי ביקור בבית הקברות הפתאני שיש לו חברה. שיבחתי אותו על כך אבל הוא נשמע מעט מאוכזב. הוא הסביר לי שהחברה שלו היא הינדית ולא פתאנית ואסור לבחור פתאני להתחתן עם אישה הינדית או אפילו מוסלמית שאינה ממשפחה פתאנית. נכון שגם מנהג זה הולך ונחלש שכן יש התבוללות פתאנית בחברה ההודית והמוסלמית ולכן בני השבט הקימו תנועה בשם "אנג'ומן אל פאתן", שמטרתה להשיב עטרה ליושנה וללמד את צעירי השבט מאין הם באים ולחזק את המורשת השבטית.
ואולם, למרות הקשר ההיסטורי בין הפתאנים לבני ישראל, אני מודה שלאחר שיחות עם מנהיגים, שייח'ים ואנשים אחרים, התרשמתי שהקשר היהודי איננו חלק מהזהות של הפתאנים, ויותר מכך – הם אינם מצפים או מייחלים לשוב לחיק העם היהודי כפי שקבוצות אחרות של צאצאי העם היהודי מבקשות. הזיקה בין הפתאנים לעם היהודי היא בעיקר היסטורית ולמרות היותם צאצאים לבני ישראל הם אינם רוצים לשנות את אמונתם המוסלמית. "בעבר היינו שייכים לבני ישראל, כיום אין אנו שייכים ליהודים", אמר לי אחד השייח'ים. "כיום אנו מוסלמים אף שבעבר היינו מבני ישראל", טען אחד מראשי הפתאנים. למעשה הקשר עם העם היהודי הלך ודעך עם השנים והקשר ההיסטורי לא מהווה עוד קשר רוחני או זהותי. זו הסיבה לכך שלדעתי המחקר והתיעוד של תופעה זו הם כל כך חשובים.
*
בסופו של מסע מרתק זה אל עבר הפתאנים, מעניין לגלות שגם אם אין בכוונתם לשוב לעם היהודי – מצויים בקצווי עולם, במקומות רחוקים ונידחים גיאוגרפית ובין עמים העובדים לבודהה, אנשים שהם צאצאי העם היהודי.
תודתי נתונה לידידי ורעי אייל בארי, הכותב דוקטורט באוניברסיטת אריאל בנושא "הזהויות המרובות של הפתאנים המיוחסים: בין גנאולוגיה ישראלית, דתיות אסלאמית ותרבות הינדית". הוא היה לי למדריך וחברותא במסע אל עבר הפתאנים בהודו ובלעדיו לא יכולתי לגלות את סודם.

First published on: http://musaf-shabbat.com/2014/12/26/%D7%A4%D7%AA%D7%90%D7%A0%D7%99-%D7%90%D7%9E%D7%99%D7%AA%D7%99-%D7%94%D7%95%D7%90-%D7%9E%D7%91%D7%A0%D7%99-%D7%99%D7%A9%D7%A8%D7%90%D7%9C-%D7%90%D7%9C%D7%99%D7%94%D7%95/#comments

Sunday, 21 December 2014

Malihabad Pathans resent linking lineage with Jews


Yusra Husain, The Times of India, Lucknow, December 22, 2014                                                             MALIHABAD: On a foggy Sunday afternoon, the otherwise quite Malihabad bounced to its Pathani vigour as a group of Afridi Pathans sat in the orchard of revolutionary poet Josh Malihabadi and conversed with Rabbi Dr Ari Zivotofsky. It was meant to be a session in which the rabbi would have asked the Afridi Pathans questions about their traditions and history, but he found himself facing questions from youth who were anguished about the constant research on their genetics by Israelis. The questions were not limited to what the Afridi Pathans said were "false claims" trying to find their roots to Judaism, but also included the situation between Palestine and Israel.

Rabbi Dr Ari Zivotofsky decided to visit Malihabad to study the historical ancestry of Afridi Pathans in the region, after his interest was aroused in previous research on the subject. Earlier hypotheses claimed resemblance between certain traditions revolving around the common Semitic customs of Afridi Pathans with those of the Jews, hinting towards a probable connection between the two.

"Five years back when Shehnaz Ali visited us in Malihabad to take DNA samples of the Pathans, she misguided us about the real motive of her research. She told us it was to reaffirm if the Afridi Pathans of present day held the same warrior qualities and other characteristics of their ancestors hundreds of years back. We later got to know that it was to find a link of Pathan ancestry with Jews," complained Ahsan Javed Khan, a raging Afridi Pathan, host to an Israeli scholar visiting the small tehsil, who was in Malihabad researching on Pathan history.

Speaking about his experience of the meeting, Zivotofsky said, "I am not intimidated by their questions but actually surprised with how offended the Afridi Pathans are by this research and how careful one has to be with an apolitical and benign approach." The young men pointed out anomalies in previous research carried out by other individuals and averred that DNA studies done earlier could found no conclusive result. The Pathans also claimed that the research might have a political motivation in case one of the earlier researches was funded by Israel's foreign ministry. "The points raised here have intrigued me to follow up on the research done back then. If no conclusive results were found probably the researches couldn't arrive at the expected results so they didn't publicise them. I would now like to get into those flaws," said Zivotofsky.

In the old Kothi of Khalid Yusuf, belonging to the earliest families of Afridi Pathans in Malihabad, Dr Ari spoke about an oral tradition passed on through generations. "I remember my grandmother telling me that we belong to Bani Israel (Children of Israel) and Ephraim, however this does not mean that we are Jews. Why do Israelis want to trace our ancestry to one of the lost tribes of Israel?" said Asad Yar Khan, taking Zivotofsky around his hometown.

"With the knowledge that I am taking from here, it looks like the theory of Pathans having a link with Judaism is more of an oral tradition, and collecting blood samples will not help anymore. We should look into the books now for the research to come together. It could be a better idea to rephrase the research as 'finding a link between Afridi Pathans and ancient Israel' instead of with Jews, to whom the people here appear to be averse," concluded Zivotofsky.